WESA Teams Up with DA’s Office to Make Zionist Propaganda

Last Wednesday, WESA dropped a story entitled Allegheny County D.A.’s office offers ‘Combating Antisemitism’ training for universities, authored by one Matt Eidson. The story is about a seemingly inocuous training recently given by a seemingly benevolent nonprofit to local university officials on identifying and fighting antisemitism. The nonprofit, StandWithUs Center for Combating Antisemitism, is described as ‘an international organization founded in 2001 that seeks to address “the continued rise of antisemitism within the culture and around the globe” through education and collaboration.’

Sounds perfectly worthy and unobjectional, doesn’t it? Who could possibly complain about education and collaboration in the service of addressing the continued rise of antisemitism? Unfortunately, StandWithUs’ Wikipedia page tells a very different story. There the group is revealed as a “right-wing, pro-Israel advocacy organization” that “actively works to counter Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) campaigns on campuses and beyond.” Elsewhere in the page we learn that SWU “does not believe the West Bank is occupied” and is ‘opposed to J Street, a self-declared “dovish” pro-Israel lobby.”‘

None of these positions is remotely hinted at in the WESA article. We are told however, that the training was specific to law enforcement, and that it was spearheaded by the deputy district attorney with the Violent Crimes, Firearms, and Narcotics Unit in the Allegheny County DA’s Office.

In addition to the misleading information the piece included, it is noteworthy for the context it left out. Let’s fill in some gaps. On the international level, the “continued rise of antisemitism” is in large part not antisemitism at all, but protests against Israel’s ongoing genocide in the Gaza Strip and beyond. Here in Pittsburgh, the author makes no mention of the nearly two dozen people being prosecuted in connection with a Palestinian solidarity encampment at Pitt last June. Nor is there anything in the story about the two local white supremacists recently unmasked by Idavox. The pair are members of Patriot Front and White Lives Matter, two deeply antisemitic organizations.

Taking the above into account, it is clear that the SWU training was not simply a generic this-what-antisemitism-looks-like affair. Its purpose was obviously to mobilize university cops to repress pro-Palestinian speech on campus even more harshly that they do already, with the able assistance of the district attorney. That WESA, an ostensibly liberal outlet, is behind the piece is not too surprising in a time when many news organizations are caving in to Trump. That doesn’t mean we need to fall for such obvious deception.


Gainey Administration Planning a Cop City for Pittsburgh

The Gainey administration is planning to build a massive police training and administrative compound on the site of the former Veterans Administration hospital in Lincoln-Lemington. Local activists discovered a so-called request for qualifications web page inviting contractors to show they have the capacity to take on the project. An RFQ is the first step in the formal procurement process. According to the above-linked page, qualified vendors will receive a request for proposals by January 10th, 2025. The city is facing a May 2026 deadline to finalize a development plan as part of its agreement with the federal government to acquire the site.

Two documents linked on the RFQ page (re-hosted on this blog) reveal the scope of the project. Included in so-called Option B, the preferred approach, are a firing range, emergency vehicle driving course, and K-9 training facility, along with a burn tower for the Bureau of Fire and several other training and logistical operations. Of particular concern is the so-called Public Safety Training Village, which will incorporate “storefronts, low rise buildings and streets/intersections.” The “village” is an obvious attempt to imitate Atlanta’s Cop City, a training environment and mock city for riot cops that has sparked widespread opposition.

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Chief Larry, We Hardly Knew Ye

Well, that was fast. Pittsburgh police chief Larry Scirotto has announced his resignation, barely a year and a half after taking the job. Unlike the departures of his two most recent predecessors, it’s not entirely clear why. Scirotto has not had any public disputes with the Fraternal Order of Police, mayor Ed Gainey, local activists, or any of Pittsburgh’s other movers and shakers. Sure, FOP president Bob Swartzwelder rants regularly about staffing levels and officer pay, but that’s normal, nothing that anyone would expect a chief to quit over.

On the surface of course, Scirotto resigned because he would rather continue his side job as a referee at college basketball games than continue as chief. Maybe it’s even true. Scirotto’s year off from refereeing last season may have reminded him how much he enjoys it, and with his pension from his previous career as a Pittsburgh cop locked in, he may well be financially secure enough to follow his heart. Maybe there’s more going on though. We can never rule out behind-the-scenes conflicts and tensions in these cases, and if Scirotto was always so devoted to refereeing, why did he want the Pittsburgh chief’s job in the first place? One possibility is that he never intended to hold the position longer than it took to juice his pension (which increases with salary), but we can’t know for sure.

Scirotto’s tenure as chief was marked by two signature moments. The first was in July of last year, when a city-commissioned study by a firm called Matrix Consulting Group found that the city employed 188 more cops than it really needed. Matrix didn’t recommend layoffs, only suggesting the excess officers be transferred to more specialized duties, but this stance is contradicted simply by adding up the report’s own numbers. According to our analysis of the report, its total recommended additions and subtractions across all units would have resulted in nearly 100 officers losing their jobs, even taking into account the 26 cops who had already left the department between the report’s commissioning and release.

This conclusion flew directly in the face of the narrative long promoted by Scirotto and the FOP that the department was understaffed and struggling. A comment from Swartzwelder to local media was revealing: ‘“Why did I just have 22 officers forced into double shift in the last 24 hours if that statement is true?” he asked. “Either the study is invalid, or police command is mismanaging its force.”’ The correct answer of course is mismanagement. Scirotto was handing out overtime left and right because one, he had the budget for it; two, overtime manipulation is a tried and true tactic for managing beat cops; and three, all police chiefs want the biggest departments they can get, regardless of need. To schedule less overtime would have been an admission that the department was overstaffed all along, and the 900 officers it was theoretically allotted represented complete overkill, considering the department only had 787 cops when the report dropped.

The report examined response times to 911 calls and other “civilian-initiated” calls for service, breaking down the data by zone, time of day/day of week, and seriousness of the incident. Pittsburgh’s average response time to even the most minor calls was found to be extraordinarily low, at less than 16 minutes. The authors termed this “an extreme statistical outlier among large metropolitan police agencies.” This rapid service left Pittsburgh patrol officers with nothing to do for an average of 71% of their time on duty, far higher than the 40% considered ideal by Matrix’s experts.

Under these circumstances, it’s understandable that Scirotto flatly rejected Matrix’s main conclusion. Accepting it would have meant shrinking his force by about 11%, an utterly unacceptable outcome. Assisted by the city council, the FOP, the media, and DA Stephen Zappala, Scirotto launched a PR blitz against the report, one that carefully avoided examining the study’s methodology and instead focused heavily on emotionally laden rants and questions about whether the city had violated its own procurement rules in contracting with Matrix in the first place. Their efforts proved successful, with even the city’s progressive activist groups declining to make an issue of the study.

Scirotto did however implement some version of many of Matrix’s other suggestions, leading to his second major accomplishment – the reconfiguration of the department’s call priorities and officer shift schedules. Even before Matrix compiled their findings, Scirotto was complaining about police time being wasted on tasks that could be more cheaply done by civilians, and the report expressed similar concerns.

The chief made his move in late February, announcing three major changes. One, patrol officers would no longer respond to most burglar alarms without confirmation of an actual break-in. Two, the department would work toward having parking complaints resolved by the Pittsburgh Parking Authority. And most significantly, officers would switch to ten-hour shifts four days per week, with only a skeleton crew on duty from three to seven in the morning. Desk officers would no longer be on duty in zone stations during the wee hours. This measure schedules more officers during the times of day that see the most activity, no longer wasting a third of the force on the night shift when nothing much goes on.

Per media reports, the Pittsburgh Bureau of Police employed around 750 officers in late September, 37 fewer than when the Matrix report was released. However, Scirotto’s efficiency improvements should go a long way toward closing that gap. That 71% “proactivity time” Matrix was concerned about is likely to be at least as high as it was in the summer of last year. This is not a positive development. As we pointed out when Scirotto was hired, too much free time for cops just leads to more racist broken-windows policing, in a city where the criminal justice system is already heavily biased against Black people.

Scirotto thus leaves behind a police department that is smaller but more efficient than he found it. The officer time his reforms have freed up will continue to be used for repressive activities like sweeps of homeless camps far into the future, and his success in discrediting the Matrix report will help ensure that the narrative of police understaffing continues to dominate budget discussions. In the short term, department staffing is likely to remain static, thanks to a looming budget crunch and a spike in retirements. In the longer term, Scirotto has positioned the department to expand its operations both logistically and politically.

Let’s remember though, that no matter how bloated no police department can have cops everywhere at once. The price of Scirotto’s efficiency improvements is that gaping four-hour hole in city coverage every morning. If enough nocturnal clandestine mischief were to occur in those hours, eventually the department would have to go back to a normal three-shift schedule and give the city a break during the day.


A Quick Look at the New Chief

Aaand this was our last post on the old platform. Stay tuned for a quick look at the “new chief’s” recent retirement. Originally published on May 29, 2023.

Please note that this post contains two links to articles in the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette. We regret the necessity of linking to an outlet whose writers and other employees are on strike, but the Wayback Machine is not working for the PG’s web site at time of writing and the links are essential to provide context for our piece.

It’s finally official. Last Tuesday the Pittsburgh City Council confirmed Larry Scirotto as the new chief of the Pittsburgh Bureau of Police. While, as we’ve said before, it doesn’t make a lot of difference who is running the PBP, the process surrounding Scirotto’s selection is revealing.

For starters, we finally know what’s been going through former acting chief Thomas Stangrecki’s mind for the last five months. Back in January Stangrecki instructed his officers to ignore a city ordinance prohibiting them from using minor vehicle violations like tinted windows as pretexts for traffic stops, on the flimsy excuse that the ordinance was in violation of state law. This was an odd move from a man hoping to ascend to the permanent chief’s job. Why would he risk pissing off Mayor Gainey with such a blatantly defiant policy shift? Had Stangrecki been tipped off that he was out the running for the permanent spot and was lashing out in frustration? Or had he been informed that the job was his, that the search was a sham, and he was starting to reshape the PBP to his liking? We now know it was likely the former.

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The Downtown Strategy: How Mayor Gainey is Exploiting Crime

A look at how the media and the mayor’s office uses petty crime for political gain. Originally published on February 16, 2023.

Last Thursday, in a highly anticipated “town hall” meeting with local residents and business owners, Mayor Gainey revealed his new plan to control crime downtown. In addition to the Allegheny Police officers who had already been deployed to the area, Gainey promised another 18 Pittsburgh officers and a larger downtown substation to replace or complement the existing facility at 600 Liberty Ave. The move was prompted by vociferous complaints from Pittsburgh’s Downtown Partnership, yuppie condo dwellers, as well as heavy coverage in the media of recent incidents, including shootings, in the  area. Downtown crime, suddenly, was a huge problem that must be addressed immediately, before it spiraled out of control.

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Agents of Recuperation Part One: The Crisis Response Stakeholders Group

We still haven’t gotten around to part two… Originally published on November 27, 2022.

Allegheny County’s so-called Crisis Response Stakeholder Group might be the most powerful local organization you’ve never heard of. We’d be tempted to call it a secret cabal, but it’s not, quite at least, a secret. The group first came to light in September 2020 in an investigative piece by Public Source’s Rich Lord, who revealed that its membership consisted of movers and shakers involved in law enforcement, philanthropy, and government in Allegheny County. None of the members would comment on its activities for the record, but Lord was able to piece together some basics using leaked documents and anonymous statements from sources close to the organization. CRSG hasn’t raised its profile much since. After its cover was blown, the county mounted a bare bones PR effort, but the group still largely remained under radar. It has never issued a press release under its own name, and has no social media presence. Subsequent press coverage of the organization has been notably sparse, with a followup article by Lord late last year being the only substantive mention.

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Thanks, Trib Live!

This one was cute :). Originally published on November 22, 2018.

 

Well, this is fun. Trib Live wants us all to know how to defeat home monitoring devices, or at least it sure seems that way. They dropped a story on Friday about a guy who did just that, including a wealth of practical tips. A few takeaways:

  • The things malfunction often. “You get hundreds of false alerts,” according to a probation officer quoted in the piece. That of course makes it much harder to know when someone has disabled one.
  • Those ankle bracelets can sometimes be removed and put back on without cutting them. YMMV depending on make, model, and foot size, but still…
  • Even if you get caught, you can just blame it on faulty equipment.

Ankle bracelet wearers should be sure to read the whole article for full technical details.

 


Jailview Apartments: A Study in Social Control

Homeless shelters are part of the carceral landscape, just like prisons, jails, schools and psychiatric hospitals. This post goes into some detail about how that works locally, using the then-new shelter next to Allegheny County Jail as a case study. Originally published on November 18, 2022.

In the summer of 2021, news dropped that the city had broken ground on a new homeless shelter downtown. Unlike pretty much every other shelter in the county, this one was going to be a low barrier facility – open around the clock, welcoming to couples, with room to store belongings, and even open to those with cats or dogs. Nor was the facility to be just a roof above residents’ heads. Showers, laundry, a medical clinic, and a daytime hangout area open to all were also on offer. The opening date was not specified exactly, but was said to be sometime in the summer of 2022.

Less celebrated in the media were the drawbacks. No one under 18 would be admitted, and there were only 95 shelter beds, plus another 45 single room occupancy rooms for longer term stays, nowhere near enough to accommodate Allegheny County’s growing homeless population. Residents would be charged $525 a month for the SRO rooms. Worse, Pittsburgh’s practice of opening warming shelters in the winter would cease once the new facility came on line. Regardless, Second Avenue Commons, the new shelter’s official name, was greeted by many leftists and nonprofits as a positive development. In some ways they’re right, but looking at it from a viewpoint of counterinsurgency and social control reveals a darker aspect.

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Getting Rid of Schubert Won’t Help

This was our first post, inspired by the departure of former Pittsburgh police chief Scott Schubert following Mayor Gainey’s ascension to office. Published originally on June 14, 2022.

Well, we won’t have Scott Schubert to kick around anymore. The Pittsburgh Bureau of Police chief announced his retirement just hours ahead of an impending mayoral press conference to make a major announcement concerning the police. He is, of course, claiming that his decision was made far in advance of the press conference and that the timing was purely coincidental, and he might not even be lying. Speculation that Schubert’s job was on the line had been flying since new mayor Ed Gainey replaced Public Safety director Wendell Hissrich, and it intensified with the release of the new administration’s transition team report recommending Schubert be fired. Schubert’s announcement a mere 10 days later that he was taking a job with the FBI indicates he was likely circulating his resume well in advance of his “retirement.” Hell, he might have seen the writing on the wall as early as Gainey’s victory in the Democratic mayoral primary last summer.

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