A Closer Look at the 2025 Arrest Wave

In our last post we reported on the sharp increase in arrests by the Pittsburgh Bureau of Police (PBP) this year, but we had little information beyond what was offered by the cops’ own dashboard. Here, we dig deeper by looking into the nitty-gritty of hundreds of individual court cases. What we found was startling. Not only is the PBP making arrests at twice the rate of last year, but there are more charges for each case, and those charges are more serious than in 2024. This is putting pressure on the court system, forcing defendants to spend more time in jail before their cases are heard, and saddling them with criminal charges for behavior that would previously have been charged only as summary offenses. Read on for details…

Starting with our methodology, all data was sourced from Pennsylvania’s Unified Judicial System web portal. We looked at all criminal cases filed in the months of October 2024 and October 2025, that were processed in Pittsburgh Municipal Court (MDJ-05-0-03), in which the arresting agency was the Pittsburgh Bureau of Police, and the defendant was arraigned and/or had a bail hearing. This procedure eliminated most cases that were initiated by a citation without the defendant being taken into custody, as well as removing arrests by other departments such as UPMC police or Allegheny County sheriffs. While not completely random, we believe the sample we obtained is representative of arrests by Pittsburgh police in the months searched. We chose a year-over-year comparison to eliminate any seasonal variations that might influence the trends we examined. October was picked because it was the most recent full month at the time we began our study (although in hindsight we wouldn’t have lost any time by waiting until the end of November).

Data was recorded in a spreadsheet (LibreOffice Calc, version 24.7.2, running on Ubuntu Linux). For each case we recorded the Offense Tracking Number (OTN), the offense grade of the most serious charge (Summary, Misdemeanor, Felony, or Homicide), whether or not cash bail was imposed, and the number of days from arraignment to preliminary hearing. The OTN was included so that we could go back and get more data from each case, should that become desirable. In addition, we kept a running tally of charges, recording the name of the offense, its grade and subgrade (2nd degree misdemeanor, 3rd degree felony, etc.), and updating the tally as new cases containing the charge were found. The flaw in the running tally approach is that it doesn’t allow calculation of the standard deviation of charges/case, making it impossible to determine the statistical significance of between-sample variation in this ratio. This oversight will be rectified in an upcoming followup study. In other comparisons, statistical significance was assessed with a Chi-Squared test or a two-tailed t test as appropriate.

Please email us at 412swineflu AT proton.me to obtain a copy of our spreadsheet.

Taken by itself, even the relatively lenient month of October 2024 showed some disturbing patterns. Arrests for summary offenses were rampant, even though summaries are the legal equivalent of traffic tickets, with no criminal penalty attached. If you don’t get arrested for running a stop sign, why would you get arrested for summary Harassment? Worse, summary-only defendants were often held on bail, being forced to pay to avoid confinement 57.3 percent of the time. This is actually more often than for misdemeanor defendants, who were only assessed cash bail at a rate of 48.6 percent. This difference was found to be statistically significant at greater than 99% confidence. We found 199 arrests that fit our criteria, containing 554 charges, for an average of 2.78 charges per case.

For October 2025 we observed a dramatic change. Not a single summary-only arrest appeared in our searches, but the number of cases ballooned to 370. The charge count increased even more dramatically, more than doubling to 1,172 for an average of 3.17 charges per case, a 14 percent leap. On the surface, this might seem like a positive development. Aficionados of law and order might applaud the cops for “doing their jobs right” and “focusing on real crimes.” Abolitionists might be slightly relieved that fewer unfortunates were being subjected to arrest, detention, and sometimes bail for the most minor of offenses. Both would be wrong. A closer look at the charges involved shows that police are arresting people for the same petty crap as always, but charging it more harshly.

The most common charge by far in October 2024 was summary Disorderly Conduct, which comprised over 13 percent of all charges. A year later, Disorderly Conduct had dropped back to the number six spot at less than three percent, replaced atop the leader board by Simple Assault, a second degree misdemeanor. This is not because Pittsburgh’s hooligans all got together on December 31st last year and made a collective New Year’s resolution to step up their game. Rather it’s because Pennsylvania’s Simple Assault statute is written so broadly as to define harsh language as an “assault.” In any verbal conflict between two or more individuals, cops have the discretion to charge summary Disorderly Conduct, second degree misdemeanor Simple Assault, or first degree misdemeanor Terroristic Threats. In October 2025, they chose the second of those options far more often than the first compared to a year earlier. (Terroristic Threats on the other hand, was quite common in both samples, ranking second in 2024 and third in 2025.)

Another telling example was the offense of Retail Theft, which can be charged as a summary, misdemeanor, or felony. October 2024 saw only a single charge of felony Retail Theft, but 15 counts of the summary version. A year later, felony Retail Theft had leaped to 20 charges, while its summary equivalent had dropped to a mere 6.

This sort of overcharging could go some way toward explaining the increase in overall arrests in 2025. In 2024 the PBP arrested far too many summary-only defendants, but they didn’t arrest all of them. Some were given citations and allowed to make their own way to court on the appointed date. But for defendants charged with felonies citation is not an option, and it’s far less common even with misdemeanors. Overcharging doesn’t just lead to harsher sentences upon conviction, it is also often the difference between walking away with a summons or spending a night (or a month) in jail.

Not only does overcharging lead to more arrests, but the arrests can lead to additional charges. A defendant who gets arrested instead of cited will be searched, and the police will find any concealed guns or illegal drugs the person was carrying. This phenomenon could well explain at least part of the year-on-year increases we observed in charges for Intentional Possession of a Controlled Substance, Firearms Not to be Carried Without a License, and even Resisting Arrest (since defendants are presumably less likely to resist arrest if they aren’t getting arrested).

One would expect such a massive crackdown on petty crime to stretch the resources of Pittsburgh Municipal Court. The PBP is by far the largest police department in the county, and they can hardly start dumping twice their usual numbers of defendants into magisterial district courts without straining the system to some degree. Regardless, it would appear that the disruption, at PMC at least, has been fairly minimal. In October 2024 defendants had their preliminary hearings scheduled an average of 13.4 days after arraignment. In October 2025 that stretched only to 14.2 days, a fairly negligible delay. Breaking down the numbers a little further is revealing, however. Examining the time to prelim when cash bail had been imposed for October 2024 shows an average of about 11.5 days, versus over 16 days when the defendant was released without payment (a difference calculated to be statistically significant with over 99% confidence). This discrepancy just maybe means that magistrate judges were prioritizing defendants stuck in jail in an attempt to move their cases through the system a little faster. In October 2025 there was virtually no difference between the two groups, with both clocking in at about 14 days (14.0 to 14.3, a statistically and functionally insignificant gap). One possible explanation for the change is that judges who might in the past have reserved some earlier slots in their schedules for incarcerated defendants are now simply scheduling everyone for the next available opening. This practice would eliminate wasted slots when fewer jailed defendants appear than expected, at the expense of making those folks languish inside longer.

Another potential effect of the upsurge in overcharging could be that the prosecution’s cases become relatively weaker, possibly leading magistrate judges to release more defendants without bail. This is in fact what we find. Felony defendants in October 2024 were released without bail 34.9 percent of the time. In October 2025 that percentage rose to 43.8. For misdemeanor cases the leap was even more pronounced, at 51.4 percent in October 2024 to 65.5 percent in October 2025. These differences were calculated to be statistically significant with greater than 99% confidence (see graphic for details). We suspect this upswelling of leniency stems from magistrate judges recognizing that many of the cases before them are complete bullshit, but we can’t rule out a deliberate policy shift. Magistrate judges work for the county, which of course also runs Allegheny County Jail. The possibility exists that these judges are being encouraged from above to keep the jail population down in order to save money. More on this below.

We might also expect that weaker cases would lead to more charges getting dismissed or dropped at the preliminary hearing stage, but unfortunately too many cases from October 2025 are still open for us to make an accurate assessment of this possibility. More on this problem in a bit.

Some other things we still don’t know:

Why did so many charges of various versions of the Prohibited Acts law pop up in October 2025? The charge was completely absent in the 2024 sample. Belying its ridiculously vague name, Prohibited Acts is mostly related to drug possession, but the year-on-year jump in those charges is too big to be explained solely by arrests that lead to searches.

How are prosecutors justifying all those felony Retail Theft charges? Retail Theft is only a felony if the value of the stolen goods was over $2,000 or if the defendant has at least two prior convictions for shoplifting. Were prosecutors in 2024 neglecting to examine defendants’ criminal histories in shoplifting cases? Or did they start overcharging Retail Theft in 2025 and hoping defense attorneys wouldn’t notice? Answering this one will require delving into individual cases with followup searches.

What is going on with the jail population? We still have not answered the questions of either why it didn’t skyrocket at the beginning of the year along with arrests, or why it began its steady climb in May. In our last post, we speculated that minor charges eventually result in probation violations, which tend to incur more jail time than pre-trial detention, but we have not tested this theory. The UJS portal does not allow users to search for past probation violation hearings, only upcoming ones.

Looking more closely at the jail population graph from our last post (republished below), we see an initial leap in January, which was promptly squelched in February, followed by a very slight and highly volatile decline until early May, when a fairly steady rise began. It’s difficult to tell how much of this movement was due to the 2025 Pittsburgh arrest wave, for several reasons. One, the jail’s population has been increasing unevenly since early 2023, gradually returning to “normal” following the lean years of the pandemic. We can’t tell how much of this year’s increase we would have seen even with 2024 levels of arrests. Two, prisoner numbers fluctuate wildly on a week to week and even month to month basis. Separating the signal from the noise requires taking a long view, examining trends in three month or more increments. Three, county officials are taking steps to limit the number of prisoners they have to pay for. Their efforts might be obscuring the effects of this year’s increased arrests. A recent article in the Post-Gazette describes some of the tactics the county has instituted, such as pre-arraignment diversion, expedited bond modification hearings, and in-house competency restoration. These measures might help explain the sharp drop we see in November. They also raise the possibility that the county is trying to limit jailings by less formal methods. The PG piece mentions reduction in bookings from 805 in October to 658 in November, which is confirmed by the jail dashboard. Yet most of the tactics reported by the PG are aimed at releasing prisoners sooner, not preventing initial bookings.

The exception is pre-arraignment diversion, which in theory could extricate some defendants before they have a chance to be held in ACJ pending trial. However, there are reasons to think diversion might not be having much effect yet. For starters, the job of Pre-Arraignment Diversion Coordinator is still open on the county’s web site as of this writing. It’s also unclear how many of the divertees would have ended up in jail had they been arraigned. Presumably the program is only available to defendants with minor charges, exactly the ones most likely to be released on nonmonetary bond or own recognizance. There is therefore a distinct possibility that magistrate judges are being ordered, or at least pressured, to cut down on the number of people they stick in ACJ on unaffordable bonds. The proportional reduction in cash bail we found would seem to support this idea.

Despite the problems noted above, we can say a few things for sure. Yes, there is definitely a roughly two-fold increase in arrest rate by the PBP in 2025. It’s not just an artifact of changes in record keeping or some other technical factor. We also see verifiable increases in the number and severity of charges. In October 2025 we observed a distinct reduction in the proportion of defendants held on cash bail, which is almost certainly related to the increase in arrests, even if we don’t know how yet.

Our speculation in our last post that Pittsburgh’s war on the homeless might account for the arrest wave was obviously short of the mark. We are not looking at a temporary crackdown on a small sector of the population, but rather a broad policy shift toward greater criminalization of the city’s lower classes. Even if the county manages to limit the number of prisoners in ACJ through other means, more people are going to end up with more serious criminal records, limiting their options for employment and housing in the future.

Such a broad change in law enforcement policy does not happen without significant advance preparation. The PBP did not decide on a whim to double its arrest volume without consulting with the District Attorney’s office at a minimum, and probably other county entities such as the Pre-Trial Services office and President Judge Susan Evashevik DiLucente as well. One official that apparently didn’t make in on to the email thread was County Executive Sara Innamorato, however. She was quoted in the PG piece linked above as saying “…we had incurred $9 million in unplanned expenses because of an increased population in jail…” On one level this is kind of ridiculous. If the jail population had risen in both 2023 and 2024, why would anyone assume it wouldn’t continue to do so in 2025? Innamorato’s statement is revealing in another way, though. Either nobody involved thought to inform the county’s leader about an impending major expense, or she was deliberately kept in the dark (and might still be) to avoid pushback. We hazard a guess that nobody looped in the Public Defenders, either.

In summary, what’s coming into focus looks like a tug of war between the city and county, with DA Stephen Zappala likely betraying his nominal masters to side with the cops. The county’s objective is obvious – they want to navigate a budget crunch without raising taxes, and holding prisoners is expensive. The PBP’s motivation is murkier. All cops want to crack down on poor Black people of course, but not if it involves extra work, and arresting people is highly labor intensive. Every individual taken into custody has to be transported, booked, and possibly transported again, either to ACJ or maybe PBP headquarters for interrogation. It’s a lot easier to just give them a ticket and go back to playing Solitaire on the squad car laptop. And yet working they are. If the numbers are anything to go by, the entire department is beavering away arresting as many people as they can get their hands on.

It wouldn’t be fair to say we told you so, because we didn’t exactly, but we spotted something ominous on the horizon back in November 2024, when we wrote our postmortem on Larry Scirotto’s tenure as Pittsburgh’s police chief. As we concluded, “Scirotto thus leaves behind a police department that is smaller but more efficient than he found it. The officer time his reforms have freed up will continue to be used for repressive activities like sweeps of homeless camps far into the future…” “Far into the future” is now. Scirotto inherited a department that already boasted the most “proactivity time” for officers anywhere in the country, and his reforms only pushed that number higher. Now we are seeing how the ex-chief meant to spend his new-found bounty. While he is no longer here to steer it, Scirotto’s plan is proceeding appallingly smoothly without him.

Coming up: A similar study comparing December 2024 to January 2025. This will let us look at the transition to the new policy and collect some of the data we didn’t think to gather this time. It will also give us a chance to see how many more charges are getting dropped under the PBP’s new policy, since most of the cases from those months will have wrapped up by now.

 

Tables and Charts

A repost of a screenshot of the ACJ dashboard from our last article. the most recent updates can found at the source.

Days wait between arraignment and preliminary hearing.

Bail in 2024 vs. 2025


Pittsburgh Sees Massive Increase in Arrests in 2025

A look at the Pittsburgh Bureau of Police monthly dashboard reveals that the department is on track to arrest over twice as many people in 2025 as in 2024. The monthly arrest totals from January through October of this year add up to 15,172. Extrapolating through December yields over 18,000 arrests, compared to 7,476 in all of 2024.

It is not yet clear what is driving the increase, but we can rule a few things out. It’s not a two and a half fold increase in crime that began precisely on January first. The mainstream media would have been screaming their heads off for months if any such crime wave was happening, or even if they had a decent excuse to pretend it was. In addition, we know from the city controller’s audit of Shotspotter that shootings at least have been virtually constant for years, although it says nothing about other types of crime. We can also rule out an increase in 911 calls leading to a concomitant jump in arrests. Per the controllers audit, 911 calls about shootings have actually been in decline, and a review of PBP annual reports through 2023 (the last year available) shows overall requests for service declining as well. With the caveat that when the 2025 annual report drops (likely in early 2028) we might have to change our minds, right now it does not look like any external factor is responsible for this year’s leap in arrests. This leaves only a change in police policy as an explanation.

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Ed Gainey, Cop

The books have not yet been closed on Ed Gainey’s single term as mayor of Pittsburgh, but they’re getting close, and a recent argument on social media prompted us to list all (most of?) the ways that Gainey has exacerbated the city’s ongoing Swine Flu pandemic.

In no particular order, Gainey has done the following:

Tried to get the 2024 Republican National Convention to come to Pittsburgh. Yes, really. No, not the Democratic convention, the Republican one. One might ask what, exactly, this has to do with policing, and we’ll tell you. Major televised events such as Formula One, the Olympics, and to a lesser extent party conventions, universally induce the host city to try to pretty itself up for the cameras, which means massive crackdowns on street vendors, homeless people, panhandlers, and anyone else not considered telegenic enough for prime time. The fact that Gainey not only was willing to tolerate such repression, but actively sought out the opportunity to impose it, told us everything we needed to know about his priorities.

And for anyone who didn’t get the message, the mayor is bringing the NFL draft ceremony to Pittsburgh next year. While the draft is only a one day event, this has not dissuaded Pittsburgh police from sweeping homeless camps and cracking down on squatters, all to keep rich football fans from having to lay eyes on the poors during their evening in town.

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ShotSpotter Doesn’t Work, Pittsburgh to Keep Using It Anyway

Trib Live is reporting that Pittsburgh Controller Rachel Heisler’s audit of the city’s ShotSpotter program found that it did not reduce crime significantly. Needless to say, the Gainey administration has no plans to discontinue the program, despite this ineffectiveness. Public Safety PR flack Cara Cruz is quoted saying “This shows the effectiveness of the system, as well as the necessity of employing the technology in Pittsburgh.”

Cruz was primarily talking about the improved response time the automated gunshot detection system affords police, a reported 63% quicker than responses to 911 calls. This would be a bigger deal if Pittsburgh police didn’t already have the fastest responses of any major city in the country, per a study by Matrix Consulting Group commissioned by city council last year. The controller’s audit shows that even in 2022, the slowest year they examined, police were en route to the scene within seven minutes on average even for gunshot reports obtained through 911 calls, an outstanding performance. Nonetheless, ShotSpotter alerts lead to arrests less than one percent of the time, and have not been correlated with any decrease in shootings.

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More Involuntary Treatment Planned in Allegheny County

Recently a controversy has erupted over the Allegheny County Department of Human Services’ (DHS) attempt to implement so-called Assisted Outpatient Treatment (AOT) for certain mental health patients. The “Assisted” part is a euphemism for “court-ordered and involuntary”, a coercive practice that few other counties in the state employ. According to Pennsylvania’s Mental Health Procedures Act, counties have the right to opt out of AOT each year. In 2018 the MHPA was amended to reduce the barriers for involuntary treatment. Since then, no counties have adopted AOT, although a few carry on the practice under the old, more restrictive standard.

A Public Source article from May 13th revealed the health department’s plans. From this and some other sources a few things are apparent.

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Three Vendors Qualify to Bid on Cop City

Months after its self-imposed deadline, Pittsburgh’s Office of Management and Budget has finally identified three contractors who are qualified to bid on the Gainey administration’s Cop City project, more formally known as the Public Safety Training Campus. According to an email received by Swine Flu Pittsburgh, the three firms are:

Manns Woodward Studios, Inc., of Nottingham, Maryland.

MCF Architecture, located at 437 Grant Street, Suite 1600 here in Pittsburgh.

HDR Architecture, Inc., a global firm with a Pittsburgh office at 301 Grant Street, Suite 1700.

An associated Request for Proposals titled “2025-RFP-049: Public Safety Training Campus Phase I Master Planning” is referred to in one of the emails we received from the city in our Right to Know request. However, as of this writing no record of this RFP appears to be available in either Pittsburgh’s Beacon portal or their OpenGov account. More competent investigators than ourselves are encouraged to assist. We can be reached at 412swineflu AT riseup D0T net.


Highland Park Firing Range Likely To Be Permanent

A friendly reader has provided Swine Flu Pittsburgh with a trove of emails concerning the Cop City project, obtained from the Gainey administration via a Right to Know request. We are still in the process of sifting through them (attachments especially), and will post all relevant messages in the coming weeks. Some developments are becoming clear already, however. For starters, the administration has been purposely misleading Highland Park residents about replacing the outdoor police firing range.

For background, Pittsburgh is one of the only major cities in the US that trains its police on an outdoor shooting range near a residential neighborhood. The Highland Park range has been a thorn in the side of residents since at least 1989, but they have never convinced the city to transition to a quieter alternative, such as an indoor range or a more remote location. Emails from high ranking officials in the Gainey administration shed some light on the persistence of the outdoor range, as well as the administration’s approach to community relations.

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WESA Teams Up with DA’s Office to Make Zionist Propaganda

Last Wednesday, WESA dropped a story entitled Allegheny County D.A.’s office offers ‘Combating Antisemitism’ training for universities, authored by one Matt Eidson. The story is about a seemingly inocuous training recently given by a seemingly benevolent nonprofit to local university officials on identifying and fighting antisemitism. The nonprofit, StandWithUs Center for Combating Antisemitism, is described as ‘an international organization founded in 2001 that seeks to address “the continued rise of antisemitism within the culture and around the globe” through education and collaboration.’

Sounds perfectly worthy and unobjectional, doesn’t it? Who could possibly complain about education and collaboration in the service of addressing the continued rise of antisemitism? Unfortunately, StandWithUs’ Wikipedia page tells a very different story. There the group is revealed as a “right-wing, pro-Israel advocacy organization” that “actively works to counter Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) campaigns on campuses and beyond.” Elsewhere in the page we learn that SWU “does not believe the West Bank is occupied” and is ‘opposed to J Street, a self-declared “dovish” pro-Israel lobby.’

None of these positions is remotely hinted at in the WESA article. We are told however, that the training was specific to law enforcement, and that it was spearheaded by the deputy district attorney with the Violent Crimes, Firearms, and Narcotics Unit in the Allegheny County DA’s Office.

In addition to the misleading information the piece included, it is noteworthy for the context it left out. Let’s fill in some gaps. On the international level, the “continued rise of antisemitism” is in large part not antisemitism at all, but protests against Israel’s ongoing genocide in the Gaza Strip and beyond. Here in Pittsburgh, the author makes no mention of the nearly two dozen people being prosecuted in connection with a Palestinian solidarity encampment at Pitt last June. Nor is there anything in the story about the two local white supremacists recently unmasked by Idavox. The pair are members of Patriot Front and White Lives Matter, two deeply antisemitic organizations.

Taking the above into account, it is clear that the SWU training was not simply a generic this-what-antisemitism-looks-like affair. Its purpose was obviously to mobilize university cops to repress pro-Palestinian speech on campus even more harshly that they do already, with the able assistance of the district attorney. That WESA, an ostensibly liberal outlet, is behind the piece is not too surprising in a time when many news organizations are caving in to Trump. That doesn’t mean we need to fall for such obvious deception.


Gainey Administration Planning a Cop City for Pittsburgh

The Gainey administration is planning to build a massive police training and administrative compound on the site of the former Veterans Administration hospital in Lincoln-Lemington. Local activists discovered a so-called request for qualifications web page inviting contractors to show they have the capacity to take on the project. An RFQ is the first step in the formal procurement process. According to the above-linked page, qualified vendors will receive a request for proposals by January 10th, 2025. The city is facing a May 2026 deadline to finalize a development plan as part of its agreement with the federal government to acquire the site.

Two documents linked on the RFQ page (re-hosted on this blog) reveal the scope of the project. Included in so-called Option B, the preferred approach, are a firing range, emergency vehicle driving course, and K-9 training facility, along with a burn tower for the Bureau of Fire and several other training and logistical operations. Of particular concern is the so-called Public Safety Training Village, which will incorporate “storefronts, low rise buildings and streets/intersections.” The “village” is an obvious attempt to imitate Atlanta’s Cop City, a training environment and mock city for riot cops that has sparked widespread opposition.

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